The overt syntax of relativization and topicalization in Chinese
出版項
1993
說明
1 online resource (229 pages)
文字
text
無媒介
computer
成冊
online resource
附註
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 54-08, Section: A, page: 3015
Chair: Cheng-Teh James Huang
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of California, Irvine, 1993
Includes bibliographical references
There is an asymmetry between primary adjunct relatives and secondary adjunct relatives and an asymmetry between adjunct relatives and adjunct topic constructions. These asymmetries cast doubt on the unified theory of operator movement for relativization and topicalization. This thesis develops a theory of relativization and topicalization which is capable of accounting for the asymmetries without jeopardizing the similarities that relativization and topicalization share with respect to overt syntactic constraints. According to this theory, relativization is an instance of operator movement triggered by the checking feature of the C$\sp\circ$ head whereas topicalization is an instance of overt XP-movement without recourse to operators. Based on the LF decomposition of single-word adjunct relative operators, the thesis claims that the availability of single-word adjunct operators (overt and covert) is universally limited to the four adjunct domains of Place, Time, Manner/Instrument and Reason. Thus, the unavailability of single-word operators makes it impossible to relativize a secondary adjunct. Given the obligatory involvement of an operator variable construction, a relative clause always contains a variable gap, which can be identified as a variable in cases where overt syntactic constraints are obeyed or as a null pronominal or resumptive pronoun otherwise. But a topic construction can be a gapless structure in which the topic binds a thematically subordinate nominal or a resumptive pronoun. Operator movement takes place where an operator is available. The theory contains (i) a condition on the legitimacy of operator variable constructions and LF chains; (ii) a conjoining rule for relative constructions: (iii) a non-branching condition on the projection of a null element: (iv) a modification of the CED in terms of governing strength; (v) a further restriction on the Pro licensed under the GCR on the basis of a distinction between two types of nouns
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest, 2017
